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Ruská idea po rozpadu SSSR. Proměny geopolitických představ V. Putina
Název práce v češtině: Ruská idea po rozpadu SSSR. Proměny geopolitických představ V. Putina
Název v anglickém jazyce: Russia's Idea After the Dissolution of the USSR. The changes of V. Putin's geopolitical thought
Klíčová slova: Geopolitika, Ruská federace, Vladimir Putin, ruská idea, eurasijství, ostrovanství, světový řád, impérium
Klíčová slova anglicky: Geopolitics, Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, Russian Idea, Eurasianism, Island Russia, World Order, Empire
Akademický rok vypsání: 2020/2021
Typ práce: diplomová práce
Jazyk práce: čeština
Ústav: Katedra ruských a východoevropských studií (23-KRVS)
Vedoucí / školitel: Mgr. Daniela Kolenovská, Ph.D.
Řešitel: skrytý - zadáno vedoucím/školitelem
Datum přihlášení: 02.07.2021
Datum zadání: 02.07.2021
Datum a čas obhajoby: 12.09.2022 10:30
Místo konání obhajoby: Pekařská 16
Datum odevzdání elektronické podoby:28.07.2022
Datum proběhlé obhajoby: 12.09.2022
Oponenti: Mgr. Karel Svoboda, Ph.D.
 
 
 
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Předběžná náplň práce
V této diplomové práci zkoumám, jak se po rozpadu Sovětského svazu proměňovaly geopolitické představy o dalším vývoji Ruské federace, a jak na tuto diskusi následně navázal režim Vladimira Putina. Pomocí ruského politického a geopolitického myšlení dokládám, že klíčové otázky, na které si ruská elita (ať již inteligence nebo představitelé vládnoucí vrstvy) za posledních dvě stě let pokoušela najít odpovědi, zůstávají stále aktuální a formují společenskou debatu i charakter budovaného státu: jedná se například o otázku, do jaké míry by Rusko mělo být otevřené cizím vlivům, jestli představuje evropskou, asijskou či jedinečnou civilizaci, a jestli má ruský národ výjimečné, mesianistické poslání, kterému musí svoji existenci podřídit. Různé geopolitické školy nabízely postupně různé – navzájem protikladné – odpovědi na tyto otázky. Nejprve tedy představuji historii hledání ruské ideje, a následně zejména s pomocí projevů a článků pronesených a napsaných Vladimirem Putinem argumentuji, že žádná z těchto geopolitických koncepcí sama o sobě plně nevysvětluje, jakým směrem se ubírá dnešní Rusko, ale že ve svém souhrnu mohou do určité míry vysvětlit postupné názorové proměny Putinovy rétoriky i politiky. Zatímco dříve vznikaly geopolitické školy celé generace, a jejich vznik mnohdy vycházel ze zásadních společenských a politických otřesů (Napoleonské války, revoluce, atd.) Vladimir Putin prošel jednotlivými fázemi v mnohem zrychlenější podobě. V západním akademickém diskursu je obvyklé popisovat Putinův režim buď optikou jediné geopolitické školy (nejčastěji neoeurasijství, s výsadním postavením Alexandra Dugina), nebo jej naopak hodnotit jako režim čistě pragmatický (například jako kleptokratický stát sloužící výlučně k uspokojení osobních zisku úzké vládnoucí vrstvy). Podle mého názoru je ale možné jeho režim popsat právě skrze postupné přechody mezi jednotlivými geopolitickými koncepcemi.
Předběžná náplň práce v anglickém jazyce
In this thesis, I examine how geopolitical ideas about the future development of the Russian Federation changed after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and how the Vladimir Putin regime has subsequently built on this debate. Using Russian political and geopolitical thought, I demonstrate that the key questions to which the Russian elite (whether intellectuals or members of the ruling class) have attempted to find answers over the past two hundred years remain relevant and continue to shape social discurs: For example, the question of how open Russia should be to foreign influences, whether it represents a European, Asian, or unique civilization, and whether the Russian nation has an exceptional, messianic mission to which it must subordinate its existence. Different schools of geopolitics have successively offered different - mutually contradictory - answers to these questions. Thus, I first present the history of the search for the Russian idea, and then, using speeches and articles delivered and written by Vladimir Putin in particular, I argue that none of these geopolitical conceptions alone fully explains the direction in which today's Russia is heading, but that in their summary they can in some way explaining the gradual changes in Putin's rhetoric and policies. Whereas earlier geopolitical schools took generations to emerge, and their emergence often stemmed from major social and political upheavals (Napoleonic wars, revolutions, etc.) Vladimir Putin has gone through each phase in a much more accelerated fashion. In Western academic discourse, it is common to describe the Putin regime either through the lens of a single geopolitical school (most often neo-Eurasianism, with the privileged position of Alexander Dugin) or, on the contrary, to assess it as a purely pragmatic regime (for example, as a kleptocratic state serving exclusively to satisfy the personal gains of a narrow ruling class). In my view, however, it is possible to describe his regime rather through the gradual transitions between different geopolitical concepts.
 
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