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Neutrality as a tool of Persuasion: The Lisbon Experience in Ireland 2008
Název práce v češtině: Neutralita jako nástroj přesvědčování: Lisabonská zkušenost v Irsku 2008
Název v anglickém jazyce: Neutrality as a tool of Persuasion: The Lisbon Experience in Ireland 2008
Klíčová slova: Lisbon Treaty, Irish Foreign Policy, Neutrality, Discourse, Social Constructivist
Klíčová slova anglicky: Lisbon Treaty, Irish Foreign Policy, Neutrality, Discourse, Social Constructivist
Akademický rok vypsání: 2015/2016
Typ práce: diplomová práce
Jazyk práce: angličtina
Ústav: Katedra mezinárodních vztahů (23-KMV)
Vedoucí / školitel: Dagmar Rychnovská, M.A., LL.M., Ph.D.
Řešitel: skrytý - zadáno vedoucím/školitelem
Datum přihlášení: 17.06.2016
Datum zadání: 17.06.2016
Datum a čas obhajoby: 15.09.2016 08:00
Místo konání obhajoby: Jinonice - U Kříže 8, J3093, Jinonice - místn. č. 3093
Datum odevzdání elektronické podoby:03.08.2016
Datum proběhlé obhajoby: 15.09.2016
Oponenti: Mgr. et Mgr. Tomáš Kučera, Ph.D.
 
 
 
Kontrola URKUND:
Seznam odborné literatury
Zehfuss, M., 2002. Constructivism in international relations: the politics of reality (Vol. 83). Cambridge University Press.

Pan, Z. and Kosicki, G.M., 2001. Framing as a strategic action in public deliberation. Framing public life: Perspectives on media and our understanding of the social world, pp.35-65

Van Der Valk, I., 2003. Right-wing parliamentary discourse on immigration in France. Discourse & Society, 14(3), pp.309-348.
Předběžná náplň práce
My intention is to focus upon Dail debates surrounding the rejection of the Treaty of Lisbon under the premise that this occurrences took the shape of a crisis event, critical to the development of Irish foreign policy. In particular, the stance of military neutrality. Thus, filling a gap in the literature, while offering an alternative perspective to previous work concerned which offered essentially a synopsis of events encompassing Lisbon without unpacking social drivers directing the agenda. It also holds relevance today as a result of the enacting of Art. 42.7 by France post-ante the Paris attacks.

The study would fall into the category of a reflexive social constructivist theoretical framework.(Zehfuss, 2002)

My main objective areas can be split into the following:

1. Identify the traditional frameworks which political elites echo in order to validate positions held.

-Anti-colonial frame
-The veneration of the UN & Ireland's commitment the UN as an institution frame
-The revere of Irish neutrality frame
- EU/US special relations frame
(This frame can be seen as political economy frame, stressing the economic benefits of committing to supranational bodies)

2. Investigating how the debate altered from 03/04/08 to 23/04/09. At a glance, I would surmise the debate shifted considerably from that which resonated most with the voting public during the first referendum which saw the 'NO to Lisbon' play on fears of an erosion of Irish neutrality. A sentiment the wider electorate bought into as we were at the coal face of an economic downturn.


I have set the limits to parliamentary debates, as a core assumption of my study is that national political discourse during a crisis (i.e. Lisbon) are not formed out of environmental void, rather created in a historical, geo-political, cultural context. Further to this point, political discourse encompassing parliamentary debate are conceptualised as a wider ideological competition over underlying values and interests (Pan & Kosicki, 2001). Thusly, Dail Eireann was selected for this analysis because it is the most noticeable arena of Irish national political debate. And such, is a primary prism through which political discourse influences public opinion through the apparatus of media coverage (Van Der Valk, 2003).
Předběžná náplň práce v anglickém jazyce
My intention is to focus upon Dail debates surrounding the rejection of the Treaty of Lisbon under the premise that this occurrences took the shape of a crisis event, critical to the development of Irish foreign policy. In particular, non-military alignment / military neutrality. Thus, filling a gap in the literature, while offering an alternative perspective to previous work concerned which offered essentially a synopsis of events encompassing Lisbon without unpacking social drivers directing the agenda. It also holds relevance today as a result of the enacting of Art. 42.7 by France post-ante the Paris attacks.

The study would fall into the category of a reflexive social constructivist theoretical framework.(Zehfuss, 2002)

My main objective areas can be split into the following:

1. Identify the traditional frameworks which political elites echo in order to validate positions held.

-Anti-colonial frame
-The sanctity of the UN & Ireland's commitment the UN as an institution frame
-The hallowed nature of Irish neutrality frame
- EU/US special relations frame
(This frame can be seen as political economy frame, stressing the economic benefits of committing to supranational bodies)

2. Investigating how the debate altered from 03/04/08 to 8/07/09. At a glance, I would surmise the debate shifted considerably from that which resonated most with the voting public during the first referendum which saw the 'NO to Lisbon' play on fears of an erosion of Irish neutrality to that of the 'Yes' camp stating that 'Lisbon was good for jobs'. A sentiment the wider electorate bought into as we were at the coal face of an economic downturn.


I have set the limits to parliamentary debates, as a core assumption of my study is that national political discourse during a crisis (i.e. Lisbon) are not formed out of environmental void, rather created in a historical, geo-political, cultural context. Further to this point, political discourse encompassing parliamentary debate are conceptualised as a wider ideological competition over underlying values and interests (Pan & Kosicki, 2001). Thusly, Dail Eireann was selected for this analysis because it is the most noticeable arena of Irish national political debate. And such, is a primary prism through which political discourse influences public opinion through the apparatus of media coverage (Van Der Valk, 2003).
 
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